Thousands of Moroccan nationals reached Ceuta by swimming across the border just days after Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez concluded a visit to Algeria. In 2021, nearly 9,000 people entered Ceuta following Spain’s decision to admit the leader of the Polisario Front, a move that sparked outrage in Rabat.

Chaos at the Ceuta border as Moroccan authorities struggle to contain the influx

Border control between Ceuta and Castilejos — known in Morocco as Fnideq — has collapsed under the weight of this migration crisis. While Moroccan police blocked access roads, a continuous stream of young people, families, and even individuals with limited mobility bypassed checkpoints by crossing hills or swimming into Spanish territory. This marks one of the most severe migration surges in the enclave over the past five years.

The Spanish administration insists bilateral relations remain strong. Foreign ministry officials describe the current agreement with Morocco as “excellent”, highlighting an “intense” coordination effort to manage the crisis. Both countries have pledged to intensify their response. After an initial period of silence, Moroccan authorities confirmed their collaboration with Spain and announced an agreement to repatriate those who entered Ceuta illegally.

A legal decision misinterpreted by human traffickers?

Significant uncertainty remains around the causes of this surge. Spain’s Interior Ministry, led by Fernando Grande-Marlaska, attributes the episode to human trafficking networks that allegedly “exploit a court ruling” to facilitate irregular migration flows.

This recent Supreme Court decision guarantees legal assistance and individual case reviews for all individuals entering Spanish territory. Ruth Ferrero, a political science professor and researcher at the Complutense Institute of International Studies (ICEI), clarifies that the ruling has been “misinterpreted”. She states: “It only enforces international asylum law. It does not imply an ‘open door’ policy or prevent returns and repatriations to Morocco.” This interpretation does not preclude the possibility that traffickers exploited the legal framework to encourage migration.

A repeat of the 2021 crisis

A similar situation unfolded in May 2021, when nearly 9,000 people entered Ceuta in retaliation for Morocco’s disapproval of Spain’s decision to hospitalize Brahim Ghali, leader of the Polisario Front, in a Spanish hospital. Morocco condemned the move as “deplorable.” Subsequent reports from Spain’s National Intelligence Center (CNI) suggested that rumors had spread among sub-Saharan migrant communities claiming Moroccan security forces would lift coastal controls on that day.

This is not the first time Morocco has used mass migration as a diplomatic bargaining chip with Madrid. Haizam Amirah Fernández, executive director of the Center for Contemporary Arab Studies (CEARC), points to a “pattern” in such surges: “Moroccan authorities instrumentalize human movement to send messages, often linked to unmet expectations from Moroccan leadership.”

Ruth Ferrero urges caution, warning against “interpreting all migration pressure from Morocco as a political strategy.” She states: “Current evidence suggests this is not primarily a political move by Morocco. At least, that is what Interior Ministry communications and available data indicate.” For Ferrero, the critical issue lies in how misinformation networks and criminal organizations have exploited the situation.

According to police sources cited by Spanish agencies, Moroccan authorities attempted to intercept young people traveling north by conducting public transport and road inspections. The resulting “call effect” overwhelmed Moroccan security forces, contributing to the crisis.

Ceuta crisis follows Spain-Algeria rapprochement

The sudden surge in Ceuta occurred a week after Pedro Sanchez’s visit to Algeria, described by observers as marking a “new phase” in relations between Spain and the Maghreb country. During the meeting with Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune and Prime Minister Sifi Ghrieb, discussions focused heavily on gas supply — a critical issue amid Middle East conflicts and the Strait of Hormuz blockade.

“I cannot confirm this as a determining factor, but the timing is striking,” says Amirah Fernández, discussing potential links between the Ceuta influx and Spain’s recent engagement with Algeria. “Rivalry between the two countries has persisted since their independence. While phases of cooperation and regional integration have occurred, the current period is among the most strained in decades. It is reasonable to assume Spain’s outreach to Algeria was not well received in Rabat.”

According to the expert, Morocco views Spain’s relations with Maghreb neighbors through a “zero-sum lens.” “If Spain strengthens ties with Algeria, Morocco perceives it as detrimental to its interests. Conversely, improved relations with Morocco are seen as harmful to Algeria.”

Ferrero argues that Morocco holds a position of influence over Madrid, but this stems from “a security-focused policy and the externalization of migration management.” She explains: “It is not that Morocco deliberately sought this position, but rather that it has skillfully leveraged a context where European governments, including Spain, have outsourced migration control to third countries.”

The Western Sahara dispute at the heart of tensions

This coercive migration tactic was preceded by several bilateral tensions between Spain and Morocco. In December 2020, Rabat suspended a high-level meeting (RAN) with Madrid days after then-U.S. President Donald Trump recognized Morocco’s sovereignty over Western Sahara in exchange for normalization with Israel. A few months later, Spain admitted Brahim Ghali to a hospital in Logroño for COVID-19 treatment.

Morocco “took note” of Spain’s hospitality toward the Polisario leader, an act that culminated in a deadly border incident. “The Spain-Morocco relationship is complex,” affirms Amirah Fernández. “Morocco employs an assertive style—decision-making is centralized, and force is often used as a tool.”

Since gaining independence in 1956 after the end of French and Spanish protectorates, the two countries have clashed over Western Sahara, the former Spanish Sahara, which Morocco invaded in 1975. Madrid withdrew from the region the following year, relinquishing administrative responsibility. Today, 80% of the territory is under Moroccan control, while the remaining area is held by the Polisario Front, a Sahrawi national liberation movement founded in 1973.

Since the Trump administration took office, Washington’s pro-Morocco stance has pushed the Western Sahara conflict to a breaking point. The U.S. recognition of Moroccan sovereignty over the region in 2020 intensified diplomatic tensions and catalyzed the 2021 Ceuta crisis.

A turning point occurred in 2022 when Pedro Sanchez sent a letter to King Mohammed VI, reportedly supporting Morocco’s autonomy proposal for Western Sahara—a departure from Spain’s historical neutrality. “What truly happened with this letter was Spain abandoning its neutral stance,” explains Amirah Fernández. “Until then, Spain supported any solution agreed upon by the parties. In this letter, however, it expressed a preference for the first time: Morocco’s autonomy proposal for Western Sahara — precisely the option advocated by Rabat. However, this does not constitute legal recognition of Moroccan sovereignty over the territory.”

The role of social media in fueling migration

Beyond any potential political motivation, social media has played a decisive role in this crisis. A study by the Nordic Observatory of Human Rights in Morocco found that 81% of young people surveyed believed content shared on social platforms portrays irregular migration as “a viable solution to improve living conditions.”

Based on interviews with 500 young individuals from Tangier, Tetouan, and Al Hoceima, the study reveals that 78.4% of respondents say they find posts promoting irregular migration easily, while 74.2% follow pages that provide information or facilitate travel planning.