
The narrative of women’s political involvement in Morocco has unfolded as an arduous journey, marked by significant legal reforms, persistent advocacy from civil society, and an ongoing pursuit of genuine gender parity. With the legislative elections slated for September 2026 rapidly approaching, the crucial issue of women’s standing within decision-making bodies has once again taken center stage in national discourse. While the legislative framework has seen substantial enhancements, the practical realities on the ground and the entrenched practices within political parties continue to raise serious questions about the actual implementation of constitutional principles.
1. Historical overview: from marginalization to affirmative action.
For several decades following Morocco’s independence, the presence of women in the national Parliament remained minimal, often non-existent. It wasn’t until 1993 that the first two women successfully entered the Chamber of Representatives. Recognizing the slow pace of this ‘natural’ progression, Morocco initiated a pivotal shift in the early 2000s by implementing mechanisms of affirmative action.
● 2002 – Establishment of the national list: A political agreement among parties designated 30 seats in the Chamber of Representatives specifically for women, marking a crucial turning point towards more equitable representation.
● 2011 – The constitutional leap: The new Constitution, in its Article 19, explicitly enshrined equality between men and women and committed the state to actively work towards parity. This led to an increase in reserved seats for women to 60.
● 2021 – Transition to regional lists: The national list mechanism was replaced by regional lists, a move designed to broaden the territorial representation of women and further increase their presence to 90 seats in the Chamber of Representatives.
Each of these progressive stages has allowed Moroccan women to accumulate invaluable expertise and demonstrate their capabilities across political, trade union, associative, and human rights spheres. Nevertheless, despite these legislative strides, a persistent glass ceiling continues to impede their advancement, both at the local level and in securing leadership positions on electoral slates.
2. 2026 legislative elections: civil society’s stark warning.
It is precisely within this transitional period that the Coalition 190 for Combating Violence and the Coalition for Dignity and Women’s Rights issued an urgent appeal on June 9, 2026. After analyzing initial data concerning candidate nominations for the September elections, these organizations sounded a clear alarm: women remain significantly marginalized as primary candidates, with a striking male dominance evident in these pivotal positions.
This situation presents a stark paradox, given that candidates leading electoral lists statistically possess the highest probability of securing a seat in the legislative assembly. Relegating female candidates to secondary roles thus raises a fundamental question: what is the true extent of political parties’ commitment to the principles of equality and parity?
3. A significant democratic deviation: the familial circumvention of quotas.
Beyond the mere scarcity of female candidacies, another insidious phenomenon threatens the integrity of the upcoming elections, affecting all political parties. There is a serious need to caution against the instrumentalization of representation mechanisms by certain partisan elites. Exploiting quotas and reserved lists, several party leaders are unhesitatingly positioning their own wives or daughters as primary candidates.
This practice of familial favoritism represents a blatant disregard for the spirit of legal texts. By transforming positive discrimination measures into dynastic privileges, it effectively empties the reform of its intended substance. It unjustly deprives dedicated grassroots activists — women who have tirelessly campaigned for decades within political and associative structures — of legitimate access to representation. Such electoral nepotism exacerbates public distrust in institutions and discredits women’s entry into politics, reducing it to a matter of family cooptation rather than competence and merit.
4. Towards a national dialogue: beyond mere electoral mobilization.
In response to these concerning deviations, the coalitions are advocating for the immediate initiation of a responsible and constructive national dialogue, bringing together political stakeholders, constitutional institutions, feminist organizations, and the media. This debate must critically examine the cultural and structural barriers that continue to hinder women’s emergence into political leadership roles.
The signatories of the manifesto have put forth several concrete proposals to reverse the current trend:
● Firm partisan commitment: Political parties must uphold the spirit of electoral laws and ensure that women lead at least one-third of their lists, aiming for effective parity.
● Transparent and ethical selection criteria: Candidate nominations must strictly be based on competence, merit, and historical militant engagement, unequivocally excluding any logic of familial privilege or nepotism, thereby guaranteeing genuine equality of opportunity.
● Rigorous oversight by authorities: Regulatory bodies and public authorities tasked with supervising the electoral process must ensure the strict application of the law’s original objectives, so that measures designed to support representation truly benefit all citizens, rather than serving narrow family circles.
Conclusion – A reflective note.
Moroccan women can no longer be relegated to the roles of mere voters or tools for mass mobilization on election day. They are full citizens and indispensable partners in shaping public policies and building the nation’s future. The true maturity of Moroccan democracy will be measured by its capacity to transform women’s political participation — from an exception or a familial circumvention — into a natural, just, meritocratic, and sustainable democratic practice.
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