Bamako — What does accountability look like in a conflict where the line between fighter and civilian has all but collapsed? That is the question at the heart of a new Amnesty International report on Mali, which paints a deeply troubling picture of a war that has pitted government forces against armed groups for more than a decade. The document, released on 28 September 2026, accuses members of the Malian Armed Forces (FAMa), operating alongside foreign fighters from the Wagner group, of committing war crimes against civilians between 2023 and 2025.
The stakes behind the findings
Titled “No one is spared,” the report draws heavily on research conducted in Mauritania among Malian refugees. Amnesty International says it gathered testimony from 119 people originating from the Ségou, Mopti and Tombouctou regions. The organisation also states it cross-checked these accounts against other sources and analysed information related to military operations.
The picture that emerges is stark: at least 34 civilians are said to have been killed in seven Malian localities between June 2023 and December 2025 during operations attributed to Malian forces and their Wagner allies. Amnesty also cites cases of torture, forced disappearance, looting and the destruction of civilian property.
Civilians caught in the crossfire of military operations
The documented incidents are concentrated mainly in Mali’s central and northern regions, particularly Ségou, Mopti and Tombouctou — territories hit hard by insecurity and armed group activity.
According to Amnesty International, some victims were killed as they tried to flee or after being detained. The organisation also reports cases in which people were reportedly beheaded or burned. In Tin Adanda, in the Tombouctou region, four people are said to have been killed during a joint patrol in February 2025.
One of the report’s main concerns centres on pastoral communities, notably Peul, Arab and Tuareg groups. Amnesty believes many of the victims belonged to these communities, accused or suspected of ties to armed groups because of their origin or their presence in areas controlled or frequented by insurgents.
The organisation warns against what it sees as a dangerous generalisation: treating an entire community as synonymous with armed groups could expose civilian populations to collective reprisals.
Drone strikes under scrutiny
The report also examines two drone strikes carried out in 2025 by Malian forces in the Tombouctou region. Amnesty says they killed at least 23 people, including at least five children.
One of the most thoroughly documented cases concerns the Ejdeir market, struck on 16 March 2025. According to Amnesty, 16 people were killed and seven others wounded. The organisation says it found no evidence establishing the presence of fighters or military objectives at the market at the time of the strike.
Malian authorities had stated they targeted “meetings of terrorists.” Amnesty says the geographical information provided by the authorities matches the location struck at Ejdeir. In the absence of a confirmed military target, the organisation argues such an attack could amount to a direct attack on civilians and should be investigated as a possible war crime.
The issue is especially sensitive in a conflict where Malian authorities present military operations as necessary to fight jihadist groups and other armed organisations. Amnesty’s report does not dispute, in principle, the authorities’ right to combat armed groups. It insists, however, on the obligation to respect international humanitarian law and protect civilian populations.
Torture allegations inside military bases
Another particularly grave section of the report concerns accusations of torture and ill-treatment of detainees.
Amnesty International says it interviewed 15 men who claimed to have suffered torture during joint patrols or in military bases located notably in Léré and Nampala. The organisation says their accounts were corroborated by witnesses who reported having observed acts of torture involving around thirty people.
The methods described are especially violent: suspending detainees by their arms, simulating drowning, beatings with metal bars or sticks, and electric shocks. According to Amnesty, five people died in military bases as a result of torture or poor detention conditions.
The report states the acts were mainly carried out by Wagner members, sometimes in the presence of Malian soldiers. Some individuals were reportedly held for days to months without being brought before a court, without access to legal assistance, or without being able to contact their families.
Wagner gone, Africa Corps remains
The report comes as Russia’s presence in Mali has evolved. The Wagner group, present in the country since late 2021, was replaced in June 2025 by Africa Corps, a structure placed under the control of the Russian Ministry of Defence.
Amnesty International is therefore calling on Malian authorities to publicly clarify their relations with Africa Corps and the oversight mechanisms applicable to its members. For the organisation, a change in structure must not lead to an absence of accountability when violations of international law are committed.
This shift comes amid a profound transformation of Mali’s security policy. Since the 2020 coup, authorities have gradually strengthened military cooperation with Russia while reducing their dependence on Western partners.
A crisis that goes beyond government forces
Amnesty International nonetheless stresses that the documented abuses cannot be attributed to a single side. In recent years, armed groups active in Mali have also been accused of serious violations of international humanitarian law.
The organisation notes in particular that armed groups have committed unlawful killings, abductions and other abuses against civilian populations. This clarification matters in a complex conflict where multiple armed actors are present and civilians often find themselves caught between different forces.
The humanitarian situation also remains concerning. According to data presented by Amnesty in its Mali assessment, more than 2,036 schools were closed because of insecurity, depriving hundreds of thousands of children of access to education.
The question of impunity
Beyond the accusations themselves, the report raises a central question: that of justice.
Amnesty International says it submitted its findings to Malian authorities on 3 August 2026 and indicates it had not received a response at the time the report was published. The organisation is calling on Bamako to open “effective and impartial” investigations into the alleged crimes and to prosecute those responsible, where evidence warrants, before courts that uphold fair trial guarantees.
The judicial question takes on an additional dimension following Mali’s announced decision in June 2026 to withdraw from the Rome Statute, the founding treaty of the International Criminal Court. According to Amnesty, this withdrawal does not end proceedings already covered by the ICC’s jurisdiction: the court would retain jurisdiction over crimes within its mandate committed during the legally applicable period.
In this context, Amnesty International’s report appears less as a simple inventory of abuses than as a warning about the risk of entrenched impunity.
For civilian populations in Ségou, Mopti and Tombouctou, the challenge remains immediate: surviving a conflict in which the distinction between combatants and civilians often remains fragile. For Malian authorities, the accusations levelled by Amnesty now constitute an additional file that must be answered — in the name of protecting populations, but also of the credibility of the institutions responsible for delivering justice.
Because behind the statistics — 34 documented deaths, dozens of detainees tortured and dozens of other alleged victims — lies a reality harder to measure: that of displaced families, villages emptied of their inhabitants, and a population living between the threat of armed groups and the operations of security forces.
Amnesty’s report thus recalls a fundamental requirement of international law: the fight against armed groups does not exempt any party to the conflict from protecting civilians. In Mali, the battle against insecurity is therefore also being fought on another front — that of justice, accountability and the protection of populations.
You may also like
Mali’s fuel lifeline: can a single BOAD loan of 8 billion CFA truly steady the nation’s energy sector?
Burkina Faso’s gold refinery: a genuine step toward sovereignty or a new form of dependence?
Niger’s competitive dialogue at three years: reform breakthrough or just paperwork?
Can Benin’s UN push for security cooperation and multilateralism deliver on its promises?
Can francophone civil society at Cotonou turn its peace roadmap into real leverage before the Cambodia summit?
